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-------------译者:利未巫师-审核者:利未巫师------------

For a century, the East India Company conquered, subjugated and plundered vast tracts of south Asia. The lessons of its brutal reign have never been more relevant

整整用了一个世纪,东印度公司攻克、征服并掠夺了南亚这片广袤的大地。然而其残暴统治的启示从未能得到深层的发掘。

The Mughal emperor Shah Alam hands a scroll to Robert Clive, the governor of Bengal, which transferred tax collecting rights in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa to the East India Company. Illustration: Benjamin West (1738–1820)/British Library

33t.com_【官方首页】-太阳城集团莫卧儿皇帝Shah Alam将一份卷轴交予孟加拉总督Robert Clive,其上载有将孟加拉、比哈尔、奥利萨地区的征税权让渡予东印度公司的敕令。画自Benjamin West(1732-1820)/不列颠图书馆



There are more Mughal artefacts stacked in this private house in the Welsh countryside than are on display at any one place in India – even the National Museum in Delhi. The riches include hookahs of burnished gold inlaid with empurpled ebony; superbly inscribed spinels and jewelled daggers; gleaming rubies the colour of pigeon’s blood and scatterings of lizard-green emeralds. There are talwars set with yellow topaz, ornaments of jade and ivory; silken hangings, statues of Hindu gods and coats of elephant armour.

在威尔士乡村私人宅院里堆放的莫卧儿王朝的工艺品甚至多于在印度任何地方展出的展品——哪怕是德里的国家博物馆里。33t.com_【官方首页】-太阳城集团这些藏品包括:抛光金丝箍紫檀木水烟壶、精雕尖晶石饰匕首、鸽子血色亮红宝石、蜥蜴翠多棱绿宝石,还有镶翡翠象牙柄缀黄玉塔瓦尔军刀、丝质帷幔、印度教诸神雕像和象皮制盔甲。

Such is the dazzle of these treasures that, as a visitor last summer, I nearly missed the huge frxd canvas that explains how they came to be here. The picture hangs in the shadows at the top of a dark, oak-panelled staircase. It is not a masterpiece, but it does repay close study. An effete Indian prince, wearing cloth of gold, sits high on his throne under a silken canopy. On his left stand scimitar and spear carrying officers from his own army; to his right, a group of powdered and periwigged Georgian gentlemen. The prince is eagerly thrusting a scroll into the hands of a statesmanlike, slightly overweight Englishman in a red frock coat.

置身于这些令人倾倒的珍宝,去年夏天作为游客的我几乎迷醉,差点错过了那幅讲述这些珍宝何以能到此的巨制油画。这幅画悬挂在昏黑橡木楼梯间顶部的暗影里。虽然它并非绝世名作,但是确实值得仔细研习。(*画上有)一个羸弱,身着金色衣服,坐于丝质黄罗盖伞下御座上的印度王爷。他左手边伫立着带刀与执戟的亲兵护卫;他的右手边,是一群面目施粉、头戴假发乔治王朝【注4】的缙绅。王爷急切地将一份卷轴塞到一个身穿红色长礼服、政治家模样的微胖英国人手里。

【注1:Powis Castle,坐落于威尔士中部的波伊斯郡Powys威尔士浦Welshpool旁,1286年爱德华一世征服威尔士四年后,最后一任的世袭博维斯王子Owain Gruffydd ap Gwenwynwyn,宣布放弃他的王室封衔,改冠以Baron de la Pole的头衔。33t.com_【官方首页】-太阳城集团Owain的后代在1595年将城堡和贵族身份卖给了Edward Herbert爵士(1583-1684,英国外交官、历史学家、诗人和宗教哲学家,自称1st Baron Herbert of Cherbury );其它按下不表,时间到了1784年Herbert家族的女儿嫁给了Edward Clive——“印度的Clive”(Robert Clive少将,他在孟加拉建立了东印度公司对其的军事和政治统治,他和黑斯廷斯一道是建立英属印度的关键人物之一)的长子,他们的婚姻让Clive和Herbert两个家族的庄园在1801年合并,1804年Edward Clive获封为波维斯伯爵,并改姓Herbert,“印度的Clive”名下的印度珍宝和古玩字画、法国和英国家具以及意大利古董都被收藏进城堡。from wikipedia & Britannica】

【注2:Owain Gruffydd ap Gwenwynwyn,为人熟悉的名字是Owen de la Pole,本是威尔士波伊斯公国的继承人,直至1283年被Shrewsbury议会废黜(Shrewsbury在当时是一个边界城镇)。在其父亲Gruffydd ap Gwenwynwyn死后,称“波伊斯第一领主(1st Lord of Powis)”。其父1257年因与格纹内斯公国Llywelyn ap Gruffudd的龃龉而被流放,故Owen出生在英格兰,此时其父开始冠de la Pole为姓,意指“of the pool”,是家乡Welshpool的旧名。33t.com_【官方首页】-太阳城集团1263年根据“蒙哥马利条约”(Llywelyn ap Gruffudd获得威尔士亲王的称号,并得到英王亨利三世的承认),其父恢复了部分领地作为对其拥立威尔士亲王的回报。然后,Owen和其父因卷入对威尔士亲王的暗杀,再次被放逐。其它暂按下不表。1284年,“爱德华一世征服威尔士”后,de la Pole家族向英王交出了他们的“威尔士亲王头衔申索权”,作为回报,其公国被恢复但改称为“波伊斯男爵领”,其父死后,Owen的余生就在Welshpool的博维斯堡度过,至1239年卒。from wikipedia】

【注3:English conquest and appropriation,直译为“英格兰的征服和占有”,实则指的是爱德华一世征服威尔士的史实,1277-1283。13世纪的威尔士被分为本土的威尔士诸公国和盎格鲁-诺曼边境领主的辖地(威廉征服虽然征服了英格兰, 强弩之末的他却无力再攻占由凯尔特人所统治的威尔士,他想出一个办法,就是将属下几位最好战的诺曼贵族,分封到随时可能爆发冲突的英威边界,伺机扩大领土,这些人被称为“边界领主”),威尔士诸公国中的领袖格温内斯公国控制了该地区的大部分土地,并让其余的威尔士公侯臣服于其下,迫使他们纷纷放弃威尔士王子的称号,然后敕封为威尔士亲王(最早拥有该头衔的是Owain Gwynedd,并于1165年获得英国君主承认;其后承接该头衔的就是知名的卢埃林大王Llywelyn the Great;之后的继承人依次是Dafydd ap Llywelyn>Llywelyn ap Gruffudd>Dafydd ap Gruffydd),同时英格兰也不断致力于控制威尔士的其余领土,直到1277至1283年发动的战争才获得了坚实的基础,并最终吞并了威尔士,被吞并的领土大部都作为威尔士亲王(在Dafydd ap Gruffydd之后,由爱德华一世之子爱德华二世承继,自此后该头衔成为英格兰王太子的封衔,意同王储)领下的封建采邑,但威尔士仍旧是一个独立的以英格兰太子为国家元首的统一的公国。亨利八世时期通过了1535年和1542年的两部The Laws in Wales Acts,标志着威尔士独立的终结,正式成为英格兰王国的一部分。from wikipedia & others】

【注4:乔治时代,Georgian era,1714-1830,指英国汉诺威王朝时期的全部以乔治为称号的四位国王——乔治一世、乔治二世、乔治三世、乔治四世。33t.com_【官方首页】-太阳城集团通常乔治时代也延伸至威廉四世短暂统治时期,他于1837年薨。英国汉诺威王朝的最后一个君主就是威廉四世的侄女——维多利亚女皇,她开启了辉煌鼎盛的维多利亚时代。在社会历史和建筑学里乔治时代是一个重要时期。乔治时代是英国一个急速扩张的时代,其卷入的战争有:七年战争(1756-1763)、美国独立战争(1775-1783)、法国大革命(1792-1802)、1789年爱尔兰叛乱以及拿破仑战争(1803-1815),除了美国革命外,英国取得了所有战争的胜利。帝国的不断扩张给予了致力于扩张的政治家与探险家们极大的声誉,比如“印度的Clive”和库克船长,从而为维多利亚时代和爱德华时代的日不落帝国奠定了基础。from wikipedia】

-------------译者:利未巫师-审核者:利未巫师------------

The painting shows a scene from August 1765, when the young Mughal emperor Shah Alam, exiled from Delhi and defeated by East India Company troops, was forced into what we would now call an act of involuntary privatisation. The scroll is an order to dismiss his own Mughal revenue officials in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, and replace them with a set of English traders appointed by Robert Clive – the new governor of Bengal – and the directors of the EIC, who the document describes as “the high and mighty, the noblest of exalted nobles, the chief of illustrious warriors, our faithful servants and sincere well-wishers, worthy of our royal favours, the English Company”. The collecting of Mughal taxes was henceforth subcontracted to a powerful multinational corporation – whose revenue-collecting operations were protected by its own private army.

画中展现的这一幕是1765年8月,年轻的莫卧儿皇帝Shah Alam,在被东印度公司的军队击败而驱逐出德里后,被迫签署了我们现在会叫做“非自愿(*国税)私有化”的法案。卷轴里下达命令解散莫卧儿帝国在孟加拉、比哈尔、奥利萨的税务部门,代之以由Robert Clive——孟加拉的新总督——指定的一群英国贸易商和东印度公司(EIC)的董事们(*来征税)。东印度公司在该文件被描画做“高贵而威严的,非凡卓绝而最高尚的贵族们,杰出无畏勇士们的领袖,我们最忠诚的仆人和最虔心的祝福者,值得我们王室宠幸的英国公司”。莫卧儿的征税权从此之后被转让给了一个强大的跨国公司——它的征税行为受到它自己私人军队的保护。

It was at this moment that the East India Company (EIC) ceased to be a conventional corporation, trading and silks and spices, and became something much more unusual. Within a few years, 250 company clerks backed by the military force of 20,000 locally recruited Indian soldiers had become the effective rulers of Bengal. An international corporation was transforming itself into an aggressive colonial power.

当此时,东印度公司不仅再只是一个传统意义上只做贸易和倒卖丝绸、香料的公司,并变得超然卓立。几年后,受到2万名本地征募的印度士兵武力保护的250名公司职员(*的东印度公司),已经成为孟加拉的实际统治者。一个国际化的公司渐渐转变成为一个富有侵略性的殖民势力。

Using its rapidly growing security force – its army had grown to 260,000 men by 1803 – it swiftly subdued and seized an entire subcontinent. Astonishingly, this took less than half a century. The first serious territorial conquests began in Bengal in 1756; 47 years later, the company’s reach extended as far north as the Mughal capital of Delhi, and almost all of India south of that city was by then effectively ruled from a boardroom in the City of London. “What honour is left to us?” asked a Mughal official named Narayan Singh, shortly after 1765, “when we have to take orders from a handful of traders who have not yet learned to wash their bottoms?”

依仗它快速崛起的军事实力——1803年军队人数增长为26万人——它急速扩张并控制了整个南亚次大陆。令人惊叹的是,这个过程只用了不到半个世纪。第一次重要的征服战争发生在1756年的孟加拉;47年后,公司(*控制的疆界)扩张到北达莫卧儿首都德里以及印度南部几乎所有的城市,这些城市由在伦敦的董事会牢牢地控制住。“我们脸上荣光何在?”一个叫Narayan Singh的莫卧儿官员在1765年(*战争)后问道,“什么时候我们开始必须得听从一小撮连解完手洗屁股都不会的商人的训令了?”

It was not the British government that seized India, but a private company, run by an unstable sociopath

不是由英国政府控制印度,而是由不牢靠的反社会者运营的一个私立公司来控制

-------------译者:利未巫师-审核者:利未巫师------------

We still talk about the British conquering India, but that phrase disguises a more sinister reality. It was not the British government that seized India at the end of the 18th century, but a dangerously unregulated private company headquartered in one small office, five windows wide, in London, and managed in India by an unstable sociopath – Clive.

我们现在仍在说“不列颠征服印度事件”,但是这个词掩盖了一些恶劣的真相——并不是英国政府在18世纪末期控制着印度,而是由一个靠不住的反社会者Clive——在一个总部设在英国的不遵循管理的私人企业的,只有五面窗户宽的一间小办公室里——管理着印度。



【注1:Diwan,迪万,伊斯兰教国家政府管理机构的称谓。亦译为“狄万”。阿拉伯语音译,意为“名册”、“诗集”、“登记籍”。在伊斯兰教创立早期,凡参加征战的穆斯林按军功大小登记造册,分配战利品,此登记薄称为“迪万”。伊斯兰教第二任哈里发欧麦尔执政时,专门设立“迪万”财政机构。该机构的职能是统一管理国库岁入,除用于国家统一的开支外,其剩余部分按穆斯林军功大小,分等造册,予以分配。在伍麦叶王朝时则指政府专管税收、邮政等的一些职能部门。伊朗各穆斯林王朝直至19世纪通常还用“迪万”专称中央政府。印度莫卧儿王朝则从16世纪起指政府财政部门及其官员。在奥斯曼帝国时,“迪万”指国家最高法庭,有时把素丹主持的国务会议也称“迪万”。 Diwani,迪瓦尼,阿拉伯语音译,意为王朝宫廷、衙署、行政机关,故称公文体或宫廷体。15世纪形成于奥斯曼帝国的土耳其,创始人为胡萨姆·鲁米,曾被定为官方正式公文如王室敕令、签署文件等的书写体。参见http://www.norislam.com/?action-viewnews-itemid-6526和http://book.douban.com/subject/3188404/discussion/22301684/】

【注2:The Crown,该词用于区分王国的政府权力和财产,以及王国的在位君主个人影响和其私产。from wikipedia】

【注3:MP,Members of Parliment,尤其指下议院议员。from wikipedia】

-------------译者:dragonilove-审核者:利未巫师------------



Robert Clive, was an unstable sociopath who led the fearsome East India Company to its conquest of the subcontinent. Photograph: Hulton Archive/Hulton Archive/Getty Images

Robert Clive,是个不稳定的反社会者,他带领着令人闻风丧胆的东印度公司占领了印度次大陆。图片来自于凯蒂图片社,惠顿档案室。

The transaction depicted in the painting was to have catastrophic consequences. As with all such corporations, then as now, the EIC was answerable only to its shareholders. With no stake in the just governance of the region, or its long-term wellbeing, the company’s rule quickly turned into the straightforward pillage of Bengal, and the rapid transfer westwards of its wealth.

油画中所描述的交易是即将带来灾难性后果的一场交易。东印度公司与所有类似的公司一样,也像现如今的公司那样,只对股东负责。由于仅仅对孟加拉这个区域进行管理无利可图,或者不符合东印度公司的长期利益,东印度的管理迅速转变为对于该区域的直接性掠夺,并迅速将其财富向西方转移。

Before long the province, already devastated by war, was struck down by the famine of 1769, then further ruined by high taxation. Company tax collectors were guilty of what today would be described as human rights violations. A senior official of the old Mughal regime in Bengal wrote in his diaries: “Indians were tortured to disclose their treasure; cities, towns and villages ransacked;札吉尔and provinces purloined: these were the ‘delights’ and ‘religions’ of the directors and their servants.”

早已被战争所破坏的孟加拉,1769年的大饥荒让其雪上加霜,又进一步被高税率彻底摧毁。公司收税者是有罪的,而在现在看来,他们的这种行为已经侵犯了人权。孟加拉旧莫卧尔政权的一位高级官员在他的日记里这样写道:”印度人不断被折磨,被迫贡献出他们的财富;城市、城镇和乡村被洗劫一空;札吉尔(这个单词不知道什么意思……)和各省份也被疯狂盗取。这些是董事会及其仆人们的“乐趣”和“宗教信仰”。

Bengal’s wealth rapidly drained into Britain, while its prosperous weavers and artisans were coerced “like so many slaves” by their new masters, and its markets flooded with British products. A proportion of the loot of Bengal went directly into Clive’s pocket. He returned to Britain with a personal fortune – then valued at £234,000 – that made him the richest self-made man in Europe. After the Battle of Plassey in 1757, a victory that owed more to treachery, forged contracts, bankers and bribes than military prowess, he transferred to the EIC treasury no less than £2.5m seized from the defeated rulers of Bengal – in today’s currency, around £23m for Clive and £250m for the company.

孟加拉的财富被迅速榨干并转移到英国,而与此同时其众多的织布工者和手工业者被他们的新统治者像奴隶般裹挟,而它的市场完全被英国货物充斥着。孟加拉赃物的部分直接进入了Clive的口袋。当他返回英国时个人财产价值达234000英镑,这使得他成为欧洲最富有的白手起家的人。在1757年普拉西战役之后(这场战役的胜利更多依靠的是孟加拉军队将领的背叛,伪造的合同,银行家们和贿赂,而非军事实力),Clive从失败的孟加拉统治者中夺得了250万英镑并转移到了东印度公司——用今天的货币来衡量,相当于Clive获得了大约2300万,东印度公司获得了2.5亿英镑。

No great sophistication was required. The entire contents of the Bengal treasury were simply loaded into 100 boats and punted down the Ganges from the Nawab of Bengal’s palace to Fort William, the company’s Calcutta headquarters. A portion of the proceeds was later spent rebuilding Powis.

财富转移的过程并不复杂。所有的孟加拉的财富被简单地分别装载在100艘船中并随恒河顺流而下,从孟加拉纳瓦布的宫殿里到威廉堡,即东印度公司在加尔各答的总部。收益的一部分后来用来重建博维斯。

-------------译者:利未巫师-审核者:利未巫师------------

The painting at Powis that shows the granting of the Diwani is suitably deceptive: the painter, Benjamin West, had never been to India. Even at the time, a reviewer noted that the mosque in the background bore a suspiciously strong resemblance “to our venerable dome of St Paul”. In reality, there had been no grand public ceremony. The transfer took place privately, inside Clive’s tent, which had just been erected on the parade ground of the newly seized Mughal fort at Allahabad. As for Shah Alam’s silken throne, it was in fact Clive’s armchair, which for the occasion had been hoisted on to his dining room table and covered with a chintz bedspread.

博维斯堡里这幅油画展现的“迪瓦尼”的授予过程是完全不靠谱的:油画作者Benjamin West从未到过印度。甚至在当时,就有评论家指出画面背景里的清真寺居然有着一个极其类似“我们可敬的圣保罗大教堂穹顶”的屋顶。事实上,根本就没有什么盛大的公开仪式。(*文件的)移交是极其隐秘的,在(*东印度公司)才占领的位于阿拉哈巴德的莫卧儿堡垒里的阅兵场上,Clive的刚扎起来的帐篷里进行。(画中)Shah Alam的丝质王座,实则是Clive的扶手椅,这把扶手椅有时会被吊到(*他在堡垒里的)餐厅餐桌旁,并覆盖上一层亚光的床单。

Later, the British dignified the document by calling it the Treaty of Allahabad, though Clive had dictated the terms and a terrified Shah Alam had simply waved them through. As the contemporary Mughal historian Sayyid Ghulam Husain Khan put it: “A business of such magnitude, as left neither pretence nor subterfuge, and which at any other time would have required the sending of wise ambassadors and able negotiators, as well as much parley and conference with the East India Company and the King of England, and much negotiation and contention with the ministers, was done and finished in less time than would usually have been taken up for the sale of a jack-ass, or a beast of burden, or a head of cattle.”

之后,英国人尊称该文件为“阿拉哈巴德条约”,固然只有Clive口述了条约的各项条款,并且惊吓过度的Shah Alam不过是走了个过场。当代的莫卧儿历史学家Sayyid Ghulam Husain Khan写道:“如此至关重要的一桩协议,即没有粉饰也不见托辞,惯常来讲(*这种协议)都需要睿智的外交官和能言的谈判家你来我往一番,也需要(*印度人)和东印度公司及英格兰国王召开数场谈判和会议,也需要外交使节们不断磋商和辩论,然而一桩如此重大协议的签署花费的时间还不及卖掉一只公驴、或一头驮畜、或一个牛头所花费的时间。“

By the time the original painting was shown at the Royal Academy in 1795, however, no Englishman who had witnessed the scene was alive to point this out. Clive, hounded by envious parliamentary colleagues and widely reviled for corruption, committed suicide in 1774 by slitting his own throat with a paperknife some months before the canvas was completed. He was buried in secret, on a frosty November night, in an unmarked vault in the Shropshire village of Morton Say. Many years ago, workmen digging up the parquet floor came across Clive’s bones, and after some discussion it was decided to quietly put them to rest again where they lay. Here they remain, marked today by a small, discreet wall plaque inscribed: “PRIMUS IN INDIS.”

1795年在皇家艺术学会初次展览这幅油画原作时,居然没有一个见证过这一幕的英国人还能活着指出(*这些舛误)。Clive,不堪受到满怀妒忌的议会同僚们的追逼和关于腐败的谩骂——1774年,在油画即将完成的几个月前,用一柄裁纸刀割破喉咙自戕。他的葬礼是秘密进行的,在一个霜冻的十一月晚上,被埋葬在位于什罗普郡Moreton Say村【注1】里一个无名的地下墓穴里。几年前,工人挖掘(*地下墓穴)的拼花地板时碰见了Clive的尸骸,经过讨论后决定将它们原地埋回。在那里他们留下了一座小小的、不显眼的铭板,上面镌刻着:“印度的第一人”。

【注1:Moreton Say,什罗普郡的一个小村庄,也被拼为Moreton Saye或Moreton Sea,当地有12世纪建设的圣玛加利教堂,Clive就是在这个教堂里埋葬的。from wikipedia】

-------------译者:smallbear-审核者:利未巫师------------

Today, as the company’s most articulate recent critic, Nick Robins, has pointed out, the site of the company’s headquarters in Leadenhall Street lies underneath Richard Rogers’s glass and metal Lloyd’s building. Unlike Clive’s burial place, no blue plaque marks the site of what Macaulay called “the greatest corporation in the world”, and certainly the only one to equal the Mughals by seizing political power across wide swaths of south Asia. But anyone seeking a monument to the company’s legacy need only look around. No contemporary corporation could duplicate its brutality, but many have attempted to match its success at bending state power to their own ends.

现今,作为(研究)东印度公司的最权威学者——尼克罗宾斯曾指出:东印度公司位于利德贺街上的总部已经被埋在理查德罗杰斯的建筑杰作——玻璃与金属外观的劳埃德大厦下面了。不像克莱武(Clive)埋葬的地方,这里没有蓝色铭板表明埋着如麦考利(Macaulay)所称的“世界上最伟大的公司”,那是唯一能与莫卧儿王朝相较,并在南亚大陆上攫取了大量的带状区域的政治权力的组织。但是那些妄图寻找东印度公司遗迹的纪念碑的人们,你们只需抬头看一看(利德贺街)周围(耸立的这些大金融公司)。你就会发现,虽然当代已经没有公司会复制它的残暴,但是许多公司在凌驾国家权力取得自身利益方面还尝试着取得与它相似的成功。

The people of Allahabad have also chosen to forget this episode in their history. The red sandstone Mughal fort where the treaty was extracted from Shah Alam – a much larger fort than those visited by tourists in Lahore, Agra or Delhi – is still a closed-off military zone and, when I visited it late last year, neither the guards at the gate nor their officers knew anything of the events that had taken place there; none of the sentries had even heard of the company whose cannons still dot the parade ground where Clive’s tent was erected.

阿拉哈巴德人民也已经选择忘记这段历史,红色砂岩的莫卧儿堡垒,Shah Alam签署条约的地方--一个比大部分游客游览的在Lahore(拉合尔),Agra(阿格拉)或Delhi(德里)的要塞要都大得多的堡垒--现在仍是一个关闭的军事区,而当我去年前去拜访时,不管是大门处的卫兵还是他们的上级官员对那里发生的事件都一无所知;甚至哨兵们都没有听说过东印度公司,而它的加农炮至今仍零星散布在Clive曾经竖起帐篷的那个阅兵场上。

Instead, all their conversation was focused firmly on the future, and the reception India’s prime minister, Narendra Modi, had just received on his trip to America. One of the guards proudly showed me the headlines in the local edition of the Times of India, announcing that Allahabad had been among the subjects discussed in the White House by Modi and President Obama. The sentries were optimistic. India was finally coming back into its own, they said, “after 800 years of slavery”. The Mughals, the EIC and the Raj had all receded into memory and Allahabad was now going to be part of India’s resurrection. “Soon we will be a great country,” said one of the sentries, “and our Allahabad also will be a great city.”

相反,与他们的交谈牢牢地集中在未来,以及印度总理莫迪在美国之行中刚刚受到的招待上。其中一个卫兵自豪的向我展示了当地版印度时报的头条,宣称阿拉哈巴德是白宫中莫迪和奥巴马谈话的议题之一。那些哨兵很乐观,他们说,“在经历了800年的奴役统治之后”,印度最终回到了自己的手里。莫卧儿、东印度公司和英属印度都在记忆中淡去,而现在的阿拉哈巴德将成为印度复兴的一部分。“我们很快将成为一个伟大的国家,”其中一个哨兵说,“我们的阿拉哈巴德也将成为一个伟大的城市。”

-------------译者:smallbear-审核者:rumor四起------------

At the height of the Victorian period there was a strong sense of embarrassment about the shady mercantile way the British had founded the Raj. The Victorians thought the real stuff of history was the politics of the nation state. This, not the economics of corrupt corporations, they believed was the fundamental unit of analysis and the major driver of change in human affairs. Moreover, they liked to think of the empire as a mission civilisatrice: a benign national transfer of knowledge, railways and the arts of civilisation from west to east, and there was a calculated and deliberate amnesia about the corporate looting that opened British rule in India.

在维多利亚时代的鼎盛时期,对于英国人组建印度殖民政府时采取的见不得人的重商主义方式人们感到非常尴尬。维多利亚时代的人认为真正的历史在于国家的政治。他们相信这一点才是分析的基础与人类事物中变化的主要推动力,而不是腐败公司的经济。进一步,他们倾向于认为帝国担负着“文明”世界的使命:由国家组织对知识,铁路和文化艺术的自西向东进行良性传输;而对在印度首创的不列颠规则——公司抢劫,他们则有着精打细算的健忘症。

A second picture, this one commissioned to hang in the House of Commons, shows how the official memory of this process was spun and subtly reworked. It hangs now in St Stephen’s Hall, the echoing reception area of parliament. I came across it by chance late this summer, while waiting there to see an MP.

被委托挂在下议院的第二幅画,就展示了这个过程中官方记忆的转变以及微妙改写。现在他被挂在圣斯蒂芬大厅,议会的公众接待区。我今夏末在那里等待一名国会议员时偶然发现了它。

The painting was part of a series of murals entitled the Building of Britain. It features what the hanging committee at the time regarded as the highlights and turning points of British history: King Alfred defeating the Danes in 877, the parliamentary unx of England and Scotland in 1707, and so on. The image in this series which deals with India does not, however, show the handing over of the Diwani but an earlier scene, where again a Mughal prince is sitting on a raised dais, under a canopy. Again, we are in a court setting, with bowing attendants on all sides and trumpets blowing, and again an Englishman is standing in front of the Mughal. But this time the balance of power is very different.

这幅画是以不列颠的建成(Building of Britain)为标题的一系列壁画中的一部分。它表明了当时的“挂壁画委员会”所认为英国历史的亮点和转折点:877年阿尔弗雷德大帝击败丹麦人,1707年英格兰与苏格兰的议会合并等等。但这系列壁画中关于印度的一幅却并不是Diwani的交付(即之前的协议签署油画),而是早一点的场景,罗盖下,又是一个莫卧儿王子坐在御座上,我们又站成了法院形式,各边的参与者都在鞠躬,喇叭吹起,又是一个英国人站在这个显要人物前。不过这个时候力量的对比(与之前的油画相比)是非常不同的。

Sir Thomas Roe, the ambassador sent by James I to the Mughal court, is shown appearing before the Emperor Jahangir in 1614 – at a time when the Mughal empire was still at its richest and most powerful. Jahangir inherited from his father Akbar one of the two wealthiest polities in the world, rivalled only by Ming China. His lands stretched through most of India, all of what is now Pakistan and Bangladesh, and most of Afghanistan. He ruled over five times the population commanded by the Ottomans – roughly 100 million people. His capitals were the megacities of their day.

托马斯·罗伊爵士,詹姆斯一世派往莫卧儿王庭的使节,于1614年出现在国王贾汗季面前——那时莫卧儿王朝还处于它最富裕和强大的时期。贾汗季从他父亲阿克巴处继承了世界上最富有的两个政权之一,而另一个唯一能与之相比的是明朝。他的土地覆盖了印度的大部分,现在巴基斯坦和孟加拉国的全部,以及阿富汗的大部分。他统治着5倍于奥斯曼帝国的人口——约1000万人,而他的所有首都都是他们那个时期的超大城市。

(文中无画。可以参考链接:http://www.parliament.uk/worksofart/collection-highlights/british-history/building-of-britain中 Sir Thomas Roe at the court of Ajmir, 1614一幅)

-------------译者:smallbear-审核者:rumor四起------------

In Milton’s Paradise Lost, the great Mughal cities of Jahangir’s India are shown to Adam as future marvels of divine design. This was no understatement: Agra, with a population approaching 700,000, dwarfed all of the cities of Europe, while Lahore was larger than London, Paris, Lisbon, Madrid and Rome combined. This was a time when India accounted for around a quarter of all global manufacturing. In contrast, Britain then contributed less than 2% to global GDP, and the East India Company was so small that it was still operating from the home of its governor, Sir Thomas Smythe, with a permanent staff of only six. It did, however, already possess 30 tall ships and own its own dockyard at Deptford on the Thames.

在Milton的《失乐园》中,印度国王贾汗季的大城市作为上帝设计的未来奇迹向亚当展示。这并不是(上帝奇迹)保守的陈述:阿格拉,人口达到70w,相比之下欧洲的城市都成了矮人;同时拉合尔也比伦敦,巴黎,里斯本,马德里和罗马加起来还大。这正是印度占有全世界产值约达1/4的时期,相比之下,英国当时只贡献了全球GDP的2%,而东印度公司还小到在总管Thomas Smythe爵士家里工作,只有6个固定员工。虽然它确实已经有了30艘高船,还在泰晤士河上德特福德市有自己的造船厂。



An East India Company grandee. Photograph: Getty Images

一个东印度公司的要人。图片来自Getty Images。

网站http://global.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/176643/East-India-Company提到该画,标题:Official of the East India Company riding in an Indian procession, watercolour on paper, c. 1825–30; in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London.(但是似乎在该博物馆官网找不到。)

Jahangir’s father Akbar had flirted with a project to civilise India’s European immigrants, whom he described as “an assemblage of savages”, but later dropped the plan as unworkable. Jahangir, who had a taste for exotica and wild beasts, welcomed Sir Thomas Roe with the same enthusiasm he had shown for the arrival of the first turkey in India, and questioned Roe closely on the distant, foggy island he came from, and the strange things that went on there.

贾汗季的父亲阿克巴曾随意进行了一个将欧洲移民,他称为“野蛮人的集合”,的教化计划,但是后来他认为不可行而放弃了这个计划。贾汗季,有着对奇异野生动物的爱好,带着对进入印度的第一只火鸡所展现出的一样的狂热,欢迎了托马斯·罗伊爵士,还详细询问了罗伊他那雾气弥漫的遥远岛屿家乡和那里正发生的奇怪事情。

For the committee who planned the House of Commons paintings, this marked the beginning of British engagement with India: two nation states coming into direct contact for the first time. Yet, in reality, British relations with India began not with diplomacy and the meeting of envoys, but with trade. On 24 September, 1599, 80 merchants and adventurers met at the Founders Hall in the City of London and agreed to petition Queen Elizabeth I to start up a company. A year later, the Governor and Company of Merchants trading to the East Indies, a group of 218 men, received a royal charter, giving them a monopoly for 15 years over “trade to the East”.

对于决定下议院壁画的委员会来说,这幅画代表着英国与印度的开始:两个国家首次进行了直接的接触。虽然现实中,英国与印度的关系并非从外交以及使者会面开始,而是从贸易开始的。在1599年12月24日,在伦敦古城区的创办大厅,80名商人和探险者聚集在一起,向伊丽莎白一世请愿设立一个公司。一年以后,“商人在东印度的贸易公司和管理会”(Governor and Company of Merchants trading to the East Indies)的218名成员,被授予皇家特许状,给予了他们15年在“东方贸易”上的垄断权。

The charter authorised the setting up of what was then a radical new type of business: not a family partnership – until then the norm over most of the globe – but a joint-stock company that could issue tradeable shares on the open market to any number of investors, a mechanism capable of realising much larger amounts of capital. The first chartered joint-stock company was the Muscovy Company, which received its charter in 1555. The East India Company was founded 44 years later. No mention was made in the charter of the EIC holding overseas territory, but it did give the company the right “to wage war” where necessary.

这个特许状授权设立一种当时新型的公司形式:不是家庭成员式——这在当时仍是全球主要规范——而是一种股份合资制公司,能在公开市场将可交易的分红挂牌并卖给任意数目的投资者,这种机制能够获得(比家庭式)多得多的资本。第一个特许的股份合资公司是莫斯科公司(Muscovy Company),它在1555年获得了特许状。东印度公司在其44年后建立。特许状中虽然没有提到东印度公司拥有海外领土的事宜,但是它的确给了公司必要时“发动战争”的权力。

-------------译者:smallbear-审核者:rumor四起------------

Six years before Roe’s expedition, on 28 August 1608, William Hawkins had landed at Surat, the first commander of a company vessel to set foot on Indian soil. Hawkins, a bibulous sea dog, made his way to Agra, where he accepted a wife offered to him by the emperor, and brought her back to England. This was a version of history the House of Commons hanging committee chose to forget.

在1608年8月28日,罗伊的远行6年之前,威廉·霍金斯就在苏拉特登陆,成为第一个踏上印度土地的公司船只指挥。霍金斯是一个嗜酒的老练水手,他去了阿格拉并在那里接受了国王赏赐的一个妻子,还把她带回了伦敦。这便是下议院壁画委员会选择忘记的历史版本。

The rapid rise of the East India Company was made possible by the catastrophically rapid decline of the Mughals during the 18th century. As late as 1739, when Clive was only 14 years old, the Mughals still ruled a vast empire that stretched from Kabul to Madras. But in that year, the Persian adventurer Nadir Shah descended the Khyber Pass with 150,000 of his cavalry and defeated a Mughal army of 1.5 million men. Three months later, Nadir Shah returned to Persia carrying the pick of the treasures the Mughal empire had amassed in its 200 years of conquest: a caravan of riches that included Shah Jahan’s magnificent peacock throne, the Koh-i-Noor, the largest diamond in the world, as well as its “sister”, the Darya Nur, and “700 elephants, 4,000 camels and 12,000 horses carrying wagons all laden with gold, silver and precious stones”, worth an estimated £87.5m in the currency of the time. This haul was many times more valuable than that later extracted by Clive from the peripheral province of Bengal.

藉由莫卧儿王朝18世纪灾难性的迅速衰落,东印度公司的迅速崛起才成为可能。一直到1739年,莫卧儿仍然统治着一个从喀布尔到马德拉斯的辽阔帝国,当时克莱武(Clive)才14岁,。但在那一年,波斯冒险者奈迪尔(NADIR SHAH)皇帝率领他的15w骑兵出开伯尔山口而下,打败了莫卧儿150w人的军队。3个月后,奈迪尔从莫卧儿200年间积累的珍宝中挑选出部分并回了波斯。其中有:包括沙贾汗标志性的孔雀王冠在内的一大篷车财宝,世界上最大的钻石光之山(Koh-i-Noor)以及其姐妹海之光(Darya Nur),还有“700头大象,4000头骆驼以及1w2匹马驮着满载金银宝石的马车”,在那时估计价值高达8750w英镑。这次装运物的价值是之后克莱武(Clive)从外围省份孟加拉获得的的许多倍。

The destruction of Mughal power by Nadir Shah, and his removal of the funds that had financed it, quickly led to the disintegration of the empire. That same year, the French Compagnie des Indes began minting its own coins, and soon, without anyone to stop them, both the French and the English were drilling their own sepoys and militarising their operations. Before long the EIC was straddling the globe. Almost single-handedly, it reversed the balance of trade, which from Roman times on had led to a continual drain of western bullion eastwards. The EIC ferried opium to China, and in due course fought the opium wars in order to seize an offshore base at Hong Kong and safeguard its profitable monopoly in narcotics. To the west it shipped Chinese tea to Massachusetts, where its dumping in Boston harbour triggered the American war of independence.

奈迪尔导致了莫卧儿军力的毁灭,同时夺走了莫卧儿用于维持军队的财宝,这很快导致了帝国的解体。同年,法国东印度公司开始铸造自己的货币,很快,由于没有人阻止,法国人和英国人都开始训练自己的印度军队,并执行更军事化的行动。不久,英国东印度公司就向全球扩张。几乎以一己之力,东印度公司扭转了自罗马时代以来西方财富持续流向东方的贸易平衡。东印度公司向中国出口鸦片,并适时发动鸦片战争以夺取香港作为离岸基地并保证其毒品交易的垄断权。对西方,它将中国茶叶出口美国马萨诸塞州(麻省),而在其首府波士顿发生的倾茶事件则成了美国独立战争的导火索。

By 1803, when the EIC captured the Mughal capital of Delhi, it had trained up a private security force of around 260,000- twice the size of the British army – and marshalled more firepower than any nation state in Asia. It was “an empire within an empire”, as one of its directors admitted. It had also by this stage created a vast and sophisticated administration and civil service, built much of London’s docklands and come close to generating nearly half of Britain’s trade. No wonder that the EIC now referred to itself as “the grandest society of merchants in the Universe”.

到了1803年,东印度公司占领了莫卧儿首都德里,届时它已经培养了约26w人的私人安全武装——这是英国军队的2倍,并有比当时任何亚洲国家更猛的火力。如同其中一名指挥官承认的,这正是“帝国中的帝国”。到了这个阶段,它已经创立了许多复杂的管理机构和行政部门,建造了伦敦大部分的港口区域,并创造了英国总贸易额的接近一半。无怪乎英国东印度公司现在被称为“宇宙中最豪华的商人社会”。

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Yet, like more recent mega-corporations, the EIC proved at once hugely powerful and oddly vulnerable to economic uncertainty. Only seven years after the granting of the Diwani, when the company’s share price had doubled overnight after it acquired the wealth of the treasury of Bengal, the East India bubble burst after plunder and famine in Bengal led to massive shortfalls in expected land revenues. The EIC was left with debts of £1.5m and a bill of £1m unpaid tax owed to the Crown. When knowledge of this became public, 30 banks collapsed like dominoes across Europe, bringing trade to a standstill.

然而,就像近来的特大企业一样,东印度公司也很快证明了公司在强大的同时,却奇妙地很容易受到经济不确定性的伤害。距Diwani的交付仅7年,当它得到了孟加拉的财富时,公司的股价一夜间翻倍,但随后由抢劫和饥荒所导致的期望土地收入巨额亏空使得东印度泡沫破灭,公司只留下了150w英镑的债务,与对皇室100w英镑的税款账单。当这个消息公开是,30家银行像横穿欧洲的多米诺骨牌一样倒闭,贸易活动停止。

In a scene that seems horribly familiar to us today, this hyper-aggressive corporation had to come clean and ask for a massive government bailout. On 15 July 1772, the directors of the East India Company applied to the Bank of England for a loan of £400,000. A fortnight later, they returned, asking for an additional £300,000. The bank raised only £200,000. By August, the directors were whispering to the government that they would actually need an unprecedented sum of a further £1m. The official report the following year, written by Edmund Burke, foresaw that the EIC’s financial problems could potentially “like a mill-stone, drag [the government] down into an unfathomable abyss … This cursed Company would, at last, like a viper, be the destruction of the country which fostered it at its bosom.”

于是出现了我们现在极其熟悉的一幕,这个高度侵略性的公司必须全盘交代并请求政府援助。在1772年7月15日,东印度公司的领导去英国央行申请了40w英镑的贷款,2星期后,他们又回来要求了30w英镑的追加贷款。而央行只筹集到了20w英镑。8月,这些领导向政府轻声说他们其实需要破天荒的100w英镑。埃德蒙·伯克在他所撰写的下一年的政府报告中,预见到东印度公司的经济问题有可能“像一个重担,(把政府)拖进无底深渊。...这个被诅咒的公司最终会像一条毒蛇,毁灭那个在怀中养育它的国家。”

The East India Company really was too big to fail. So it was that in 1773 it was saved by history’s first mega-bailout

东印度公司确实大而不能倒,在1773年,它被历史上首次的大型援助所解救。

But unlike Lehman Brothers, the East India Company really was too big to fail. So it was that in 1773, the world’s first aggressive multinational corporation was saved by history’s first mega-bailout – the first example of a nation state extracting, as its price for saving a failing corporation, the right to regulate and severely rein it in.

但是不像雷曼兄弟(08破产引发金融危机,总债务6130y刀),东印度公司确实太大而不能到。在1773年,这个世界第一的侵略性多国公司被历史首次的大型援助所解救——这是第一次国家谋取控制和驾驭规范公司的权力,作为拯救倒闭公司的代价。(详见Regulating Act of 1773。)

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In Allahabad, I hired a small dinghy from beneath the fort’s walls and asked the boatman to row me upstream. It was that beautiful moment, an hour before sunset, that north Indians call godhulibela – cow-dust time – and the Yamuna glittered in the evening light as brightly as any of the gems of Powis. Egrets picked their way along the banks, past pilgrims taking a dip near the auspicious point of confluence, where the Yamuna meets the Ganges. Ranks of little boys with fishing lines stood among the holy men and the pilgrims, engaged in the less mystical task of trying to hook catfish. Parakeets swooped out of cavities in the battlements, mynahs called to roost.

在阿拉哈巴德,我从城堡下雇了一艘小艇,并叫船家把我带到上游。那正是美好的时刻,离日落还有1小时,北印度人称为godhulibela——牛尘cow-dust时刻(指晚霞下放牧归来时牛群脚下的闪烁尘埃)——亚穆纳河在晚霞映衬下如博维斯堡的宝石般闪亮。河畔边白鹭散步,走过与恒河的交汇点,那里有很多朝圣者洗浴,认为这样会带来好运。一帮小男孩带着鱼线站在朝圣者与圣职者之间,从事着并不神秘的工作——钓鲶鱼。长尾鹦鹉偶尔从城墙凹处突然冲出来,伴着八哥一阵躁鸣说:它们要休息了。

For 40 minutes we drifted slowly, the water gently lapping against the sides of the boat, past the mile-long succession of mighty towers and projecting bastions of the fort, each decorated with superb Mughal kiosks, lattices and finials. It seemed impossible that a single London corporation, however ruthless and aggressive, could have conquered an empire that was so magnificently strong, so confident in its own strength and brilliance and effortless sense of beauty.

我们缓缓泛舟40分钟,小艇两边河水温柔的拍打着,拍过了堡垒边几英里长的河岸,遍布着巨大的塔和突出的棱堡,装饰着莫卧儿风格的小圆顶凉亭,尖拱门方格和尖塔。看起来似乎单单一个伦敦的公司,不管它多么残忍和侵略成性,不可能征服这么一个辉煌强大而自信聪明,同时又具有与生俱来的美感的帝国。

Historians propose many reasons: the fracturing of Mughal India into tiny, competing states; the military edge that the industrial revolution had given the European powers. But perhaps most crucial was the support that the East India Company enjoyed from the British parliament. The relationship between them grew steadily more symbiotic throughout the 18th century. Returned nabobs like Clive used their wealth to buy both MPs and parliamentary seats – the famous Rotten Boroughs. In turn, parliament backed the company with state power: the ships and soldiers that were needed when the French and British East India Companies trained their guns on each other.

历史学家们提出了许多原因:莫卧儿印度分裂成互相不和的城邦;工业革命给了欧洲列强尖端的军事力量。但是可能最重要的原因是英国议会对东印度公司的鼎力支持。它们间(议会和公司)的共生关系在18世纪更加稳固。像克莱武(Clive)一样的回国印度地方长官们用他们的财富收买了议员,买下了议会席位——即著名的腐败选区(参考http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rotten_and_pocket_boroughs)。议会则把国家权力当成公司的坚强后盾:当英国和法国东印度公司间互相举起枪杆时(为英国东印度公司)提供所需的舰船和士兵。

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As I drifted on past the fort walls, I thought about the nexus between corporations and politicians in India today – which has delivered individual fortunes to rival those amassed by Clive and his fellow company directors. The country today has 6.9% of the world’s thousand or so billionaires, though its gross domestic product is only 2.1% of world GDP. The total wealth of India’s billionaires is equivalent to around 10% of the nation’s GDP – while the comparable ratio for China’s billionaires is less than 3%. More importantly, many of these fortunes have been created by manipulating state power – using political influence to secure rights to land and minerals, “flexibility” in regulation, and protection from foreign competition.

正当小艇游过两岸的城墙,我思考了印度当前的政治家和公司的关系——他们已经取得了不亚于克莱武(Clive)及其他公司领导们积累的的个人财富。现在,世界上成千的亿万富翁中约有6.9%是这个国家的,而它的GDP只占到世界GDP的2.1%。印度的亿万富翁们所占有的财富相当于该国GDP的10%。——而相应的中国亿万富翁们只占有了3%。更重要的是,很多的个人财富都是通过操纵国家权力取得的——用政治影响力来确保土地和矿井的产权,管理上的“灵活性”以及国际竞争中的保护措施。

Multinationals still have villainous reputations in India, and with good reason; the many thousands of dead and injured in the Bhopal gas disaster of 1984 cannot be easily forgotten; the gas plant’s owner, the American multinational, unx Carbide, has managed to avoid prosecution or the payment of any meaningful compensation in the 30 years since. But the biggest Indian corporations, such as Reliance, Tata, DLF and Adani have shown themselves far more skilled than their foreign competitors in influencing Indian policymakers and the media. Reliance is now India’s biggest media company, as well as its biggest conglomerate; its owner, Mukesh Ambani, has unprecedented political access and power.

在印度,跨国公司的名声依然糟糕。这很好的理由解释:1984年帕博尔事件造成的成千上万人的死伤很难忘记(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhopal_disaster);化工厂的所有人,一个美国跨国公司,美国联合碳化物集团,在至今的30年间一直在逃避起诉与一切有意义的赔偿。相较于外国竞争者对印度决策者和媒体的影响,那些印度巨头们,如信实工业,塔塔集团,DLF集团,阿达尼集团,在该方面熟练得多。信实工业已经是印度最大的传媒公司,同时也是最大的企业集团,它的拥有者, 穆克什·安巴尼有着空前的政治渠道和政治权力。

The last five years of India’s Congress party government were marked by a succession of corruption scandals that ranged from land and mineral giveaways to the corrupt sale of mobile phone spectrum at a fraction of its value. The consequent public disgust was the principal reason for the Congress party’s catastrophic defeat in the general election last May, though the country’s crony capitalists are unlikely to suffer as a result.

印度国大党政府执政的过去5年中充满了各种标志性的腐败丑闻,从几乎免费送的土地和矿井到打折卖手机频率范围的腐败交易。随之引发的公众厌恶感成了国大党在去年5月的大选中大败的主要原因。虽然结果上这个国家的“密友”,资本家们不大可能受到损失。

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Estimated to have cost $4.9bn – perhaps the second most expensive ballot in democratic history after the US presidential election in 2012 – it brought Narendra Modi to power on a tidal wave of corporate donations. Exact figures are hard to come by, but Modi’s Bharatiya Janata party (BJP), is estimated to have spent at least $1bn on print and broadcast advertising alone. Of these donations, around 90% comes from unlisted corporate sources, given in return for who knows what undeclared promises of access and favours. The sheer strength of Modi’s new government means that those corporate backers may not be able to extract all they had hoped for, but there will certainly be rewards for the money donated.

据估计约花了46y美元——可能是民主选举历史上仅次于美国2012年选举的第二昂贵的选举——一大波团体捐献将纳伦德拉·莫迪送上权力顶点。具体的数据很难统计,但是莫迪的人民党,预计单单在打印广播广告上就花了10y。这些捐献款,大概90%都来自未记名的团体,没人知道承诺了什么未公开的权限好处作为回报。莫迪新政府的绝对力量则意味着这些未记名的团体支持者虽然可能不能得到他们想要的所有东西,但是他们的捐献肯定能得到回报。

In September, the governor of India’s central bank, Raghuram Rajan, made a speech in Mumbai expressing his anxieties about corporate money eroding the integrity of parliament: “Even as our democracy and our economy have become more vibrant,” he said, “an important issue in the recent election was whether we had substituted the crony socialism of the past with crony capitalism, where the rich and the influential are alleged to have received land, natural resources and spectrum in return for payoffs to venal politicians. By killing transparency and competition, crony capitalism is harmful to free enterprise, and economic growth. And by substituting special interests for the public interest, it is harmful to democratic expression.”

在9月,印度央行总裁拉加恩在孟买做了一次讲话,表明了他对公司钱款侵蚀国会廉正的担心:“即使我们的民主制度和经济制度都变得更有活力了”他说,“最近选举中的反映的重要课题是我们是否是将以前腐败的社会主义换成了腐败的资本主义(这里的社会主义与我们不同,基本指民主社会主义,见http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Socialism_in_India),(腐败资本主义下)富人和有影响力的人肯定从贪污的政客手里得到了更多的土地,自然资源等范围作为金钱的回报。通过除掉竞争和透明,腐败的资本主义对自由企业(指政府较少管制的企业)和经济增长有害。同样由于把公众利益替换成了特殊利益,它也对民主的表达产生危害。”

His anxieties were remarkably like those expressed in Britain more than 200 years earlier, when the East India Company had become synonymous with ostentatious wealth and political corruption: “What is England now?” fumed the Whig litterateur Horace Walpole, “A sink of Indian wealth.” In 1767 the company bought off parliamentary opposition by donating £400,000 to the Crown in return for its continued right to govern Bengal. But the anger against it finally reached ignition point on 13 February 1788, at the impeachment, for looting and corruption, of Clive’s successor as governor of Bengal, Warren Hastings. It was the nearest the British ever got to putting the EIC on trial, and they did so with one of their greatest orators at the helm – Edmund Burke.

他的担心和200年前英国的担心如出一辙,当东印度公司变成了奢华财富和政治腐败的代名词时:“英国现在是什么?”辉格党(自由党前身)文学家霍勒斯·沃波尔愤怒地写道“就是印度财富的污水坑。”在1767年,东印度公司通过对王室40w英镑的捐献收买了议会的反对派,以换取它持续统治孟加拉的权力。但是对它的愤怒终于在1788年2月13日,在对克莱武继任者沃伦·黑斯廷斯的腐败和抢劫问题进行检举时达到了燃点。那是英国将东印度公司推到的离法庭最接近的位置,检举还是由最好的演说家埃德蒙伯克(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edmund_Burke)主导的。